CHAPTER 1

THE UN NEEDS CHINA AND CHINA NEEDS THE UN

CHAPTER 2

LOW PROFILE FOREVER

CHAPTER 3

CHINA'S CURRENT INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL

ENVIRONMENT

CHAPTER 4

OPENING SPEECH AT 2012 CHINA MODEL UNITED

NATIONS CONFERENCE

CHAPTER 5

CHINA WILL NEVER BE A SUPERPOWER

CHAPTER 6

OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES

CHAPTER 7

GIVE CHINA'S DIPLOMACY MORE ELBOW ROOM

CHAPTER 8

DIPLOMACY REQUIRES BOTH FIRMNESS AND

FLEXIBILITY; FLEXIBILITY IS NOT WEAKNESS

CHAPTER 9

WE NEED TO RESOLUTELY DEFEND OUR CORE

INTEREST, BUT NOT TO AMPLIFY IT

CHAPTER 10

MILD BUT FIRM

CHAPTER 11

TRANSPARENCY AND CONFIDENCE

CHAPTER 12

INFLUENCE IS ALLOWED, INTERFERENCE IS NOT

CHAPTER 13

FOR THE SECURITY OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION

CHAPTER 14

CHINA'S POLICIES TOWARDS ITS NEIGHBORS

CHAPTER 15

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SINO-US RELATIONS

CHAPTER 16

BIG POWER RELATIONSHIP

CHAPTER 17

REBUILDING CONSENSUS ON R2P

AFTERWORD

“Why does the UN have no sovereignty?

The UN is different from the EU in this respect. The member states do not have to transfer any part of their state sovereignty to this international organization. For this reason, the UN does not have any independent rights. Then where do its rights come from? From the member states. There are currently 192 member states, who arc the bosses of the UN. Among whom, the five permanent members in particular, are the big bosses. It is they, the member states, who determine which institution, including the Secretary General of the United Nations, can act and preside on an issueon behalf of the UN……”这是来自《外交让世界走向和谐(英文版)》

的节选部分。本书系陈健大使40多年外交生涯的缩影，从不同角度记录了他的外交经历及见闻，极具现实及理论意义。